
When Cyriaco of Ancona was in Constantinople, he sketched as best he could the great bronze statue of Justinian (527-565). The statue was made of gilded bronze, and stood on a column 50m. high. The most remarkable thing about the statue itself -- otherwise your basic equestrian statue -- was the headdress, called a toupha, which an earlier traveller drew in great detail in 1340 (right) and you can see that this drawing and Cyriaco's are pretty much in agreement.
[Late correction: I now believe this drawing has been erroneously attributed to Cyriaco.]
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A number of different headdresses have been called the toupha, or toufa as you prefer, but we are currently concerned with the one on the statue, and will describe it a diadem with a lot of peacock feathers. It probably came from the East, perhaps Persia, which is an all-purpose explanation for various Byzantine appurtenances not otherwise explicable.
The toupha had been in use for quite a while before Justinian -- coins of Constantius II (337-361) like the gold here show him wearing one -- and notice the little thing in front that looks like the tuft on a hawk's hood.
When Justinian came along, 200 years later, it was apparently well- established as part of the emperor outfit, regardless of how silly it must have looked, and was worn when an emperor rode in procession to celebrate a triumph.
A hundred and seventy years ago, an extraordinary piece of fabric was discovered in Bamburg, Germany, in the tomb of Gunther, Bishop from 1057 to 1065, a fabric he had obtained in Constantinople. Splendidly colored, it showed a tyche -- a representation of a city, here Constantinople -- presenting
presenting a toupha to the emperor John I Tzmiskes (971-976), unless it was to Basil II (976-1025) for defeating the Bulgarians, but either way it was already an antique when Gunther acquired it on pilgrimage. Gunther died on that pilgrimage, and his cloth was buried with him. The tyche seems to be dressed as a bride so this fabric is emphasizing that the Emperor is married to the City, much as Elizabeth II was given a ring as part of her coronation ceremony
John VIII Palaiologos who gave so much pleasure to artists with his dramatic hats went to the Council of Ferrara-Florence in late 1437. Now, Cyriaco who drew the first toupha pictured above, and who was a friend of John, was at the Council when it moved to Florence in early 1439. And the young painter Benozzo Gozzoli (1421-1497), being a Florentine, was there, too.
John didn't wear a toupha in Florence. Florence was a humiliation, not a triumph, and if he had worn a toupha, there would be twice as many pictures of him wearing it as there are of him wearing the melon hat. But one can imagine a variety of ways in which a young painter might have met up with Cyriaco who had recently been in Constantinople, and might have looked at his travel notes and diaries. And might have seen that image of a mounted emperor wearing a toupha.
Or young Benozzo talked to other people who had been in Constantinople and or saw other drawing. He may have made his own copies of them. He may have thought that it was a silly headdress, too, and that he could improve on it. Or he may have only understood that it was a crown with feathers. So that when he came to paint his amazing frescos for the Capello dei Magi in the Palazzo Medici twenty years later, he included the emperor John, wearing carefully curled hair, exotic Eastern robes, imperial red buskins, and a toupha -- a crown bejewelled with the rubies and pearls which John is known to have worn in Florence, and with red, white, and green feathers.
[An explanation for Benozzo Gozzoli's particular feathers is here.]
Anicia
Juliana--or Juliana Anicia, depending on your source-was a petite
woman, pretty when a girl, masses of hair determinedly controlled,
immaculately groomed but not ostentatiously dressed (dressed as a
Roman: they weren't Byzantines yet). Her (probable) portrait in the
Metropolitan suggests this, suggests that the young people could
tease her out of her firmness. Her other surviving
portrait suggests very little. The early 500s were not a good
time to be an independent-minded woman in Constantinople--look at how
Theodora was traduced-but Anicia Juliana had enough money to do
whatever she wanted.
What she wanted to do by the time she was
a grandmother was to rebuild Solomon's Temple, and she did in the
three years from 524-527. Agios Polyeuktos was privileged as to be
the guest of honor because his church was on her property. He was a
soldier, martyred in 255, and the church claimed a piece of his
skull. That was pretty much it, unless she knew more about him than
we do. Juliana Anicia's great-grandmother, Empress Eudocia (401-440),
had built the first Polyeuktos about seventy-five years earlier.
Eudocia was a poet--this will be relevant in a moment--who had
married Theodosios II, the Eastern Emperor. Eudocia's daughter,
Licinia Eudocia (422-462), married the Western Emperor, Valentinius
III (371-392), son of Galla Placidia who herself built a wondrous
building.
Bear with me on the names a little longer Licinia
Eudocia's daughter Placidia married Juliana Anicia's father,
Olybrius. Olybrius had been Emperor of the West for six months in
472. Juliana Anicia's husband was a distinguished German general,
Areobindus, who refused an offer of the crown in the 512 riots. She
must have been furious. Their son, also an Olybrius, married the
niece--or daughter--of the Emperor Anastasios (591-518). Always so
close and yet never empress.
If you drew
lines north-south and east-west across Constantinople, they would
intersect at the site of Agios Polyeuktos, on the grounds of Anicia
Juliana's estate that had earlier belonged to Eudocia. The
excavations of the 1960s have mostly been reburied, the finds are
mostly in storage in the Istanbul museum, though if you make it
across the lanes of traffic, occasional columns and bits of carving
show through the dust. Five hundred years after Anicia Juliana, her
church was the site on an imperial processional route where the
emperor would stop to get a new candle on Easter Monday.
Her
church was worth more attention than a candle. It must have been
inexpressively beautiful, although she tried to express it with
seventy-six lines of hexameters carved around the edges, frost-white
against a peacock blue background. Parts of seven lines survive, but
someone in the tenth century copied down the whole poem which now
lives in Heidelberg. This is her voice:
. . .
glittering beyond description with the brightness of the sun on both
sides! On either side of the central nave, columns standing upon
sturdy columns support the rays of a golden roof. on both sides
recesses hollowed out in arches have given birth to the
ever-revolving light of the moon. The walls . . . have recalled to
life in measureless paths marvellous meadows of precious materials,
whose brightness nature, flowering in the deep depths of the rock,
has concealed and guarded for the house of God, to be the gift of
Juliana . .
That is, in
fact, remarkably close to the remnants that were found--niches
frosted with peacocks with green glass eyes, their beaks holding
lamps on gold chains (there would have been at least thirty of
these); walls and columns frosted with grape vines--leaves and grapes
you could pick, palm trees dripping with dates, flowers, crosses,
vases, leaves, eggs-and-leafy-darts, beads-and-reels, monograms,
hallucinatory plants, apostles; confronted peacocks under the arches;
capitals overspun with networks of basketry and vines and fabric and
acanthus leaves; wall skirting inlaid with amethyst, mother-of-pearl,
colored glass, colored marble. Much of this carving was backed with
peacock blue--never an inexpensive color and one wonders where it
came from. Nearly all the imagery is taken from passages in Kings and
Ezekiel in the Old Testament that describe the Temple of Solomon, as
are the dimensions. With one exception: where the Old Testament
called for cherubim, Juliana Anicia called for peacocks, the birds of
Empresses.
Juliana Anicia's temple had mosaics on the walls
and apse and floor, acres of them--white roses against black and red,
and saints, but in the eighth century, mean-spirited doers of God's
will destroyed the saints. And the columns: in addition to the
pillars frosted with carvings, there were columns covered with inlay,
long hexagonals set with squares of amethyst, triangles and narrow
trapezoids of green glass. These hexagonals were interspersed with
more squares of amethyst, the hexagonals and squares set into a
network of narrow gold glass strips.
Agios Polyeuktos became a
quarry at some point in its history. The Palaiologoi retrieved pieces
of a screen for their church of the Pantokrator
(Zeyrek Cami), and later on the Turks incorporated pieces in
their own buildings. More pieces of Anicia Juliana's temple have been
identified in Barcelona and Aquileia. And at San Marco in Venice. The
picture above is Ruskin's study of the south-west corner, the corner
you come to from the water, showing two of the three palm leaf and
basketry capitals, and one of the two frosted pillars the Venetians
brought from Constantinople, before or during or after 1204. The
Venetians may not have known that Anicia Juliana had built Solomon's
Temple, but when they rebuilt San Marco in the thirteenth
century--making it unrecognizeable to anyone from the twelth--they
were conscientiously rebuilding Solomon's Temple with what they
understood to be the Old Testament measurements.Solomon's Temple had
two pillars before the entrance (I Kings 7:13-22), and Anicia
Juliana's pillars were placed outside the main entrance of San Marco.
The Venetians thought they were Solomon's.
Juliana Anicia
lived from 463 to about 528. After her temple was completed, there
was little need for her to stay. She fortunately never saw
Justinian's riposte.