Squeezing the serfs

The paroikoi -- serfs -- on all those church lands, and most of the other land in the Morea, were obligated to the landholder for a certain number of days of work (ἀγγαρεῖαι, angarias) each year, in addition to assorted taxes and percentages of produce -- oil, grain, wine. There is no information about angarias in the Byzantine Morea, and very little for the small Venetian territories, but there are indications that the obligations were similar. One writer has found variations of 12, 24, and 52 annual days of labor in other parts of the late empire. Where angarias are mentioned, the details are usually taken for granted, but obligations included gathering straw for the governor's horses and firewood for the governor's residence, a contribution of five pounds of wax annually, repair work on fortification walls or the roads, rowing on the local galley, and guard duty.

In extraordinary circumstances military duty was an angaria, such as the time Bartolomeo Minio called up all the men in Nauplion territory and supplied them with weapons in anticipation of an Ottoman attack. (This was during the harvest season, when meant that the next year's tax revenues were lower because of crop losses.) At another exceptional time Minio needed an angaria of the paroikoi, their boats, and their mules for an elaborate construction project for the lower city walls which required bringing in lime for mortar, and boat-bridges so work could be done from the water side.  He wrote, "And I myself worked with them."  The Naupliots remembered this, and it was recorded in a chronicle that Minio had built the lower city and had worked in person with the Greeks.

During the first half of the fifteenth century, we can see the Venetian cities shifting from day-labor to cash angarias, and at times suppressing them because of labor disappearing from the territory. In 1414 Koroni changed the angaria owed from one day a week, to one day a month, supplying the paroikoi a guard against the Turks when they went out to get lime for construction, but in 1439, because of losses to plague new angarias were imposed. Angarias in Methoni and Koroni (which sometimes differed from each other) differed somewhat from those in Nauplion-Argos, and from those among the Venetian island holdings and there were attempts at rationalization. Special groups, especially much-needed new settlers, might be exempted for a period -- new settlers in Argos in the late 1390s were to be free of angarias for five years and were given their land -- and in one case Tinos and Mykonos were exempted from all angarias because the islands were so much more fertile than expected.

Sometimes paroikoi could get away with non-performance of their angarias. In 1456 Methoni was trying to demand angarias from their paroikoi, a situation that had apparently been been going on for twenty years. But then, there were so many raids from the Despotate on the paroikoi and their farms that the area had become depopulated, and Methoni was always on the edge of a food crisis.  Over and over, paroikoi in Venetian territories made demands for lighter angarias, and Venice often made pragmatic arrangements, such as requiring day-labor or the loan of farm animals, but not both at the same time, or, a requirement for less straw since one governor had fewer horses than the previous. Nauplion allowed paroikoi to make use of the town boat to bring in required firewood, but when they protested having to carry the wood up to Akro-Nauplion from the port on foot and asked to be able to borrow animals, they were told to continue the way they had been doing it.

The surviving documents that record the lands in the Morea held by Nicholas Acciaiuoli (d. 1365) and his family give a dense view of the paroikoi and their obligations. The Acciaiuoli had allegiance to the court of Naples, and it is not easy to know the extent to which these represent Neopolitan custom or if they are consonant with Byzantine.  I think one has to assume there is not too much difference from the Byzantine, if only because paroikoi could always disappear and go to another rule.

What comes immediately clear is that a great many of the obligations were paid in cash, meaning that the paroikoi had not only the burden of labor, but of marketing their produce for coin.  The Morea is notoriously short of coin finds in the archaeological record for the medieval period, and the lists of obligations suggests that they used a mixture of coins: the ones mentioned here are hyperpera (more likely to have been an accounting value rather than a coin) and sterlings, or deniers. (I have a sterling, a small silver coin of the period, from Apulia.) Other coins are Frankish tornesi and Venetian soldini.

Here are some of the paroikoi in the area of Clarenza. The first two numbers have to do with land rent and produce, the last is for angaria:
* Theodosios Politis - 2 hyperpera, 8 1/2 sterlings, & 5 hyperpera
* Basileos Presbyteropoulos -- 1 hyperper, 3 4/10 sterlings, & 5 hyperpera * Christos Raptopoulos -- 2 hyperpera, 3 1/2 sterlings, & 5 hyperpera
* Potheka, widow of Constantinos Raptopoulos -- 2 hyperpera 3 1/2 sterlings, & 5 hyperpera

In that list of 26 names -- most names came with a family -- each family unit was obligated for 5 hyperpera annually as angaria, and on another list, some were obligated for 2 1/2 hyperpera.  I do not know what 2 1/2 or 5 hyperpera would have meant in real life, in purchase terms, but occasionally an alternative is shown, so that when someone owes 2 pounds of wax,¹ the value is shown as 10 sterlings, 3 pounds of wax are 15 sterlings, and 5 pounds are 1 1/2 hyperpera. Another who owes 6 pounds is given the same equivalent of 1 1/2 hyperpera. Johannes de Bon owes, annually, one container for wax, at a value of 15 sterlings, while Stephanos Mavros owes for his garden in Andravida a wax containter to the value of 4 sterlings: others just owe wax containers, no value specified.

Freddy Thiriet gives some monetary equivalents. 1 hyperper = 24 soldini/deniers/sterlings = 1/2 ducat.  1 soldo = 4 tornesi/toneselli

We do not know the form of bee hive.  A print from the late 17th century offers a different model from the manuscript picture above.

Other lists indicate a variety of obligations, though there is not enough information to know the differences in the land holdings. A few individuals have immunity from obligations.  A few other obligations:
* Demetrios Kobotos -_ 1 hyperper, 12 1/2 sterlings, 1 chicken & 10 eggs.
* Georgio de Blasio -- 1 1/2 hyperpera, 1 chicken & 30 eggs.
* Johannes Romaza - 1 hyperper, 1 pound wax, 3 chickens & 100 eggs.
Constanta Pellekanos and Nikolaos Anastasopoulos were also obligated for chickens and 100 eggs each. Other individuals owed 40 eggs, or 76, and quite a few owe 10 pigeons.

Zacconi (a Tzakonian?) was an archer and so was obligated to serve with his arms.

Much more could be said about these Acciaiuoli documents.  There will be another entry later.

 1Observation of our own beehive demonstrated that one large beehive produces five pounds of wax a year.

The Two-Eyed Mill

A series of chrysobulls from Andronikos II in 1314-20 -- painted on the walls of the Brontocheion at Mistra, when the Byzantines held perhaps a third of their final territory -- itemize the monastery's properties that extended from Mouchli to Mistra (Μυζηθρἀ), and from Elos to Androusa. These were to be under the control of the protosynkellos¹ of the Peloponnesos, a Kyr Pachomios. These properties were a jumble of monastic estates, small parcels of land, wells, trees, and villages, often identified by the name of a local church or monastery, or as being between two rivers, or at the place called the "Two-Eyed Mill." 

The descriptions give a sense of what you would see if you were traveling through the Byzantine countryside. There is a zevgolatio² at the river Brysioto; 150 modia of land in various places near with vineyards, olive trees, other fruit trees; paroikoi³ near Mistra at the Two-Eyed Mill; an uncultivated parcel near Philito; four paroikoi at Delvina; the well of Ag. Demetrios; the metochion⁴ of the Apostle and Evangelist John the Theologian with its paroikoi, vineyard, fields, olive and fruit trees, and mills; another metochion, of the Theotokos, with its paroikoi and fields and the right of justice, with the irrigation channel from the river with the bridge; uncultivated land at Mitatova; the metochion of Ag. Basil at Elos with its paroikoi and fields, and mills; the metochion of the Ai Theodori at Mouchli with its paroikoi, fields, and mills. The list goes on and on, leaving the impression of an intricate mosaic of villages and fields and paroikoi being handed about to different owners like chess pieces.

The monasteries acquired their territories in bits and pieces, as when Leon Kladas gave the Brontocheion a vineyard at near-by Trype, and several Akrokondyloi gave their fields at Terkova. Sometimes it was a large piece, as when Manuel II gave the church of Monemvasia the lands of Helikovouno to finance perpetual weekly masses for his dead children. 

Speaking of Monemvasia.  In 1293 and 1301, the generous Andronikos II confirmed a broad jurisdiction to the church of Monemvasia which was to extend in a belt across the Morea, into Mani, and far as Pylos (which is also called Avarino). That this territory was primarily under Venetian and Frankish control was of little concern: some day it would be Byzantine.  Monemvasia was to have possession and rights of justice over the villages of Nomia, Taireia, Mountousa, Sios, Kampos, Episkopeia, Philodendron, Kamara, Ripiai, Kalamios, Dikasteria with their fields, trees, vineyards, and paroikoi, and also several villages in Elos with four watermills and vineyards, and Nodun on the shore with a tower and palaiokastro.  The church was also given possession of the monasteries of Ag. Georgios and Prinikos with a whole share of the oak-trees, not just half as before, and churches at Soraka, Koulendian, Koumaraia, Voulkani, and Dodaia. It was also to receive the value of 25 hyperpera (at the time a coin of 12 carats of gold) from the village of Polli Ksenoi.

In the early 15th-century, George Gemistos Plethon noted that the church had possession of more than one-third of the land in the Morea.  This is one-third of the land and its inhabitants removed from a centralized legal and judicial system -- however weak it may have been -- and at least one-third of the tax revenues diverted from any possibility of public spending into a closed system. No one did more than Andronikos to guarantee the failure of centralized Byzantine authority in the Morea.

1 Protosynkellos = primary administrative assistant for a bishop.

2 Zevgolatio = area of land large enough to require two oxen for plowing; under the Turks, a ҫiftlik.

3 Paroikoi = Greek "serfs" tied to the land.

4 Metochion = monastic property.