22 May 2015

In recovery: The warriors


General George Patton, Jr., 1885-1945, 
National Portrait Gallery, Washington, DC

Here are portraits of warriors, dressed to best dramatize their authority and power. Gritti as Doge of Venice in cloth-of-gold and red velvet and ermine.  Patton in battle jacket and cavalry pants, with his ivory-handled pistols, riding crop, dispatch rider's bag, and his four stars -- two sets of two pairs of four stars. (In the portraits of General Marshall and General Eisenhower in the same room, they each only wear one pair of their five stars, but that was Patton.  A friend of my family was his chaplain when he crossed the Rhine: I grew up hero-worshipping him and kept begging for toy ivory-handled pistols only to be told that they were for boys.)

Doge Andrea Gritti, 1455-1538, 
National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC

In Washington, in April, the similarity between the men and the portraits struck me.  Both men are wearing old leather belts, so old and worn you can smell the sweat that soaked into them over the years and the wars.   The fancy dress does not portray the essence of the men: the belts do.




15 May 2015

Two for Cyriaco




Two documents for Cyriaco of Ancona, one new, one ignored, that contribute to his portrait.


* * * * * * * * * *

Cyriaco  is conventionally thought to have died in 1452 or 1555: I find authors fairly evenly divided on that.  I'm quite sure 1452 is wrong, as I have found the document above which certainly has him alive on 8 March 1454 when he was granted Venetian citizenship at the age of 62. This is not a very exciting or important piece of information, but it was a surprise and raises the question of why Venetian citizenship at this point?  He was 63 and had been going to Venice since he was 10.

This document is available on-line at ASV Senato Privilegi 1425-October 1560.


* * * * * * * * * *

In 1431 Francesco Filelfo, a fellow citizen of Ancona, wrote Cyriaco a letter.  Cyriaco had been studying Greek for five years or so -- we don't know what that means -- but apparently Cyriaco had written a letter in Greek to Filelfo who was teaching Greek in Florence.  To my mind, Filelfo was a bit of a charlatan, and this letter demonstrates it.  His quotation of Homer bears no resemblance to anything Homer ever wrote, thought it seems to refer to Aphrodite and Diomedes in Iliad 5.  And his compliments of Cyriaco's Greek make me wonder what the Florentines were paying to learn from him: Cyriaco's Latin was not so good, his Greek was unlikely to have been any better.  Pierre MacKay translated the letter for me.


Francesco Filelfo to Cyriaco, greetings,
I have for a long time admired your capabilities in language, and now I would have no way of doing so adequately; so much has the beauty of your letters written in Greek astonished me; it informs me vividly that you did not learn it in Constantinople but there in Athens. The grace inherent in your composition is from there. I believe that the first of the Muses, if you were to meet her in person, on experiencing and marveling at the charm of your words would utter that Homeric phrase:
Who and from where are you, where is the city that bore you, For I shall tell you that I, most distinguished of goddesses, am envious At being so utterly defeated by a mortal

Be in good health, therefore, so that you may be able to enchant us and all those others who are similarly disposed toward you with your God-given talent from the Muses. I wish for you also that you may reach the age of Nestor, since you yield in wisdom in no way whatsoever not only to our contemporaries, but even to the outstanding figures of those in the past. Stay well, shrine of the Muses, and love your Filelfo as always, who would for your sake and for the sake of all who support you, jump into the fire, metaphorically, with great eagerness.

From Florence, on the nones of March, in the year 1431 from the birth of Christ. 



This letter can be found on-line as #8 in Cent-Dix Lettres Grecques de Francois Filelfe.










08 May 2015

The wunderkammer



Wunderkammern fascinate me, so I have made my own small cabinet of small things that belong no place in particular. Small things attract other small things, so I am going to have to get another cabinet. Meanwhile, I take some out, put others in, rearranging to find ways for these small things to speak to one another.  Perhaps the main thing they have in common is that each one is small enough to be concealed in my hands

Amethyst and moonstone. 


Ghanaian goldweight snake and tourist Athenian owl.


Fox skull. 


Sixteenth-century Persian sherd.


Hummingbird nest and silkworm cocoons. 


Theo's otter. 


Miniature of a Benin leopard.  


Glass carafe stoppers and a hedgehog.


Corinthian aryballos. 


Firecrest nest, jay and flicker feathers, abalone shell.


Thirteenth-century Corinthian sherd.





03 May 2015

For Bartolomeo, with love and respect



A book on which I have been working far too long – The Greek Correspondence of Bartolomeo Minio. Vol. 2: Dispacci from Candia, 1500-1502 – has just been published. To have the new book in hand is a pleasure, but this entry is late because I have not known how to bring about the end to this working companionship.  I have nothing more I can write about Bartolomeo Minio. I have not been far from tears as I have autographed books to send out, and as I have tried to write here.

 I discovered Bartolomeo Minio while looking for material on Nauplion at Dumbarton Oaks, long before I thought of graduate school. The 100 pages of his letters from Nauplion became bedtime reading off and on for years.

<They were intensely familiar, of course because of Nauplion, where my house had been attached to the wall he had built, but also because I had grown up in a colonial environment. Minio's constant fatigue and frustration at lack of adequate equipment and money, his isolation, his increasing identification with the local population, all reflected what I had absorbed in my younger years from the adults around me. I found something else, too: the sense of a desperately lonely child, so you can imagine my reaction when I found in Venice a document indicating that his father had remarried when he was two and a half years old. 

He was the youngest child in his family, born in about 1428 and named for his mother's father, and was the only one of his brothers to marry.  His wife was Elena Trevisan. This was normal Venetian practice, and his third son, Francesco, was the only one of his sons to marry.  His oldest son, Marco (born about 1460) , became a prominent Venetian ambassador to the Vatican and Constantinople, and was elected Doge of Crete.  Little is recorded about the second, Alvise (born a year later). There may have been children who did not live. The youngest, Francesco, was born in 1483/4, nine months after Minio returned from his assignment in Nauplion.  Francesco made a fortune in shipping and the transport of pilgrims to the Holy Land, and his wills record a number of houses, including the pretty Ca' da Madoneta on the Rio da Frescada near S. Toma.  The family were all buried at the Franciscan church of S. Francesco dalle Vigne: in several searches I failed to find any tombstones in the hundreds there.


My PhD dissertation was on his letters from Nauplion.  Hans Theunissen from Utrecht published it in his on-line monograph series in EJOS.  One of my dissertation readers, John Melville-Jones from Perth, suggested a published edition of the letters which are preserved in a Minio family copy (written in four different hands, including Bartolomeo's) in the Correr Library in Venice. We published the letters from Nauplion in 2008, and then set to working on another set of his letters, a Minio family copy (by his son Marco) in the Correr, from Candia. This is a total of more than 150 letters written by one man, a very rare inheritance.  

Minio was clearly lonely in Nauplion -- there were probably no patricians there, and I suspect he was acutely class-conscious where Venetians were concerned.  His letters and reports rarely received a response, and supplies were rarely and inadequately sent.  He developed a few very close and protective relationships -- his secretary Eustacio; Antonio Marinato, an Italian commander of foot soldiers, who may have been a part-time pirate, and was kidnapped and sold into slavery; his wife's brother, Piero Trevisan, who commanded a galley occasionally sent to Nauplion; an Ottoman governor who shared all the same problems, and who let him in on a plot to overthrow Mehmed.  

He was a tense man, with neck cramps and migraines.  He had a strong sense of fairness and justice, and though he insisted on following instructions to the letter, he received tremendous loyalty from the Greek and Albanian stratioti, and from the Greek townspeople of Nauplion. He wrote once, in great distress, that he had had to used forced labor at Nauplion for work on the walls.  It was, he said, a hardship for "these poor people," but "I worked with them in person." The Greeks remembered that, and a chronicle records:
At that time, the governor of the place, that is, the Venetian, with all the people of Nauplion, did all the building, and built the walls around, just as they appear today . . . and the governor of the place, the Venetian, gave benefits and many gifts.

Minio died in 1515, in his late 80s.  His failing health is mentioned in several entries in Sanudo's Diarii.  He should have died several other times that we know of: from malaria in Nauplion, from camp fever in the Ferrara war, from pirates in the Bay of Biscay, from pirates off Cyprus, from pneumonia in Crete. In his mid-70s he wrote with pride of his good eyesight, and then rode the length and width of Crete to inspect its fortresses. He was a survivor and a fighter, though I suspect he absolutely hated fighting. Not because of any pacifist leanings, but because it was an indication of disorder, and he did value order above all.

He has been a good companion. I hope he would have liked my work.



The Greek Correspondence of Bartolomeo Minio. Vol. 2: Dispacci from Candia, 1500-1502. Diana Gilliland Wright & John Melville-Jones. Padua: Unipress, 2015.  Orders here.  

Map by Ioannis Xenodochos, Corfu, 1520.


24 April 2015

Nauplion's Bavarian remnants


This is the front door of Bettina Schinas' house, opposite. Ag. Giorgios. The door was imported from Trieste, probably just after 1830 -- apparently all the best new houses had doors from Trieste. Bettina and her husband Konstantinos rented the house from Andreas Miaoulis for 1834-35, before they moved to Athens with the Bavarian court.  It is a splendidly carved door.

Photo, Brigitte Eckert, 2010.
Another view of Bettina's house. This deterioration cannot be blamed on the economic crisis. It takes a long time for a house like this to disintegrate. But this house is a significant element in Nauplion's heritage, and it is a disappointment and a shame that no one seems to find it important. Bettina wrote wonderful letters to her family from this house, describing Nauplion and the people she met --Kolettis, Miaoulis, Petro-Bey Mavromichaelis -- and later wrote wonderful letters about Athens. Brigitte Eckert made extensive translations from the letters so Surprised by Time could publish them.




If you stand facing the bus station, and take the first corner to your right, you will come almost immediately to the door with these elegant lion heads (there is a small cafe). Below the lion heads are panels of exceptional carving – swags of leaves and little monster heads on either side of a shell, and then below that, a deeply-inset panel with the head of a Bavarian Green Man. 



 The condition of this door has been developing for a long time: it is not a casualty of the economic crisis.  But the disregard of Nauplion for such an exceptional work of art is another example of the carelessness demonstrated, for example, towards the Venetian staircase and gate to Akro-Nauplion.  I would imagine that there is a lot of experience in Bavaria where preservation and restoration of wood carvings are concerned, and some of the ill feelings of the economic crisis might well be relieved by a Bavarian mission to help restore this shared heritage.






The grandest of the surviving Bavarian houses is just up the street if you take the first left when you are facing the bus station.  Here a classical-style Bavarian door has been built accommodated to the contemporary Greek stonework. The house belonged to the Count von Armansperg, First Minister to the King.  


Photo, Brigitte Eckert, 2010.


This was the first house in Nauplion to have a piano.  Bettina wrote about going to a party there.
"I must report about the evening at the Armanspergs. Beautiful rooms nicely decorated, filled with all kinds of people, diplomats, officers, dressed in Bavarian uniforms, as palikaria or French; also the ladies dressed French or Greek. The countess in mourning because of the Duke von Altenburg’s death. She received me very kindly, complaining there would be no dancing because of the death. The daughters very pretty, very modest and polite, offered me conversation as they noticed I didn’t know anybody. The older played the piano later very skillful. The many rooms were crowded -- tea, ice cream, lemonades were offered. When the Countess saw me speaking with Kolettis, (I was standing up because he is so tall) she came and offered us 2 chairs next to each other so we could speak seated; the daughter played the piano, so we stopped our conversation." 


Photos, DW, November 2014.



17 April 2015

On vacation: Virgin empress of the seas


Elizabeth I, the “sieve” portrait. Quentin Metsys the Younger, 1583. 

Pinacotecta Nazionale di Siena.

I have become addicted to Wolf Hall, the novels and the TV production, so I have been finding Tudor portraits as a way of filling up the gap until the next book. The finest of all the Elizabeth portraits is, I think, this one known as the “sieve” portrait. It incorporates two Elizabethan themes: Empress of the Seas, and Virgin Queen.





Her position as Virgin Queen is shown as a representation of the Vestal Virgin, Tuccia, who carried a sieve of water from the Tiber to the Temple of Vesta to prove her chastity. The translucence of the flowing water shown at the bottom of the sieve is echoed in the astoundingly beautiful translucent sea-green globe.




The themes of virginity and empire are brought together in the medallions on the column in back, although with some literary freedom, in the story of Aeneas who foreswore marriage in order to found an empire.






The column is continued by the columns behind Elizabeth and the colors appear again on the courtiers on whom she has turned her back. The patron of this portrait is thought to be her close companion, Sir Christopher Hatton, who may be the third of the background men. He is accompanied by a page who wears a white hind, Hatton's emblem.



10 April 2015

The doctor and his patient




Demetrios Pepagomenos was the second of the four speakers at Cleofe's memorial. I have written about these monodies at other times, in detail about those by Bessarion, the last speaker, and George Gemistos Plethon, the first. (The order of the speakers has to be deduced: Plethon was the oldest and certainly of the highest status of the four, Bessarion the youngest and, being a monk, of the lowest status. Cheilas probably has to follow Pepagomenos as he makes a comment about him.)

Pepagomenos was a doctor specializing in gout. We do not have an absolute statement that he was Cleofe's doctor, but there is enough evidence to allow us to deduce it. For example, in his monody he said, “There is need for all of us, and for myself especially, to let our voices loose in the intensity of our suffering.” I read that as a comment on his sense of involvement in, if not responsibility for her death. Later he spoke of “the body of our holy queen, so well-formed, so harmonious as to bring future happiness to the race.” As the daughter of an obstetrician, I read that as saying her body was suited for child-bearing, and so something he would be the only man, other than her husband, in a position to know.

But when Cleofe died at noon on Good Friday, she had been fasting for nearly forty days, and there is strong evidence to suggest that she would have followed the most severe fast. She spent nights standing in prayer. She had, unintentionally, prepared her body for a massive hemorrhage. Pepagomenos called it a cataclysm, a deluge over the whole race – ἄλλον τινὰ καταχλυσμὸν τοῦ γένους παντὸς, and said it had come on suddenly. Bessarion also refers to blood, saying that her husband (like Zeus) had wept tears of blood (and, like Zeus, at the loss of a son in addition to his wife).

I think the dead child was a son, because Pepagomenos said this birth was to have been such an even that “all good and decent things might come to settle not only among us present here but among all the entire race . . . that there might be skipping and dancing . . . the singing of festival chants, the display of general happiness.”

All the best for us came,” he said to her – sometimes he spoke to the assembled mourners, and sometimes to Cleofe – “with your settling among us. . . . But now everything goes the other way.” He mentions first her husband, “our holy ruler,” and then “her dear daughter . . . all her blood relations, her servants and cities.” Pepagomenos speaks of her daughter three different times, and then again of the loss to her subjects.

He becomes more specific about her subjects: “But the bellies of the poor mourn especially the hands of our queen, which worked as it were to one purpose throughout her life, to nourish those in want, not merely through instruction, and through those of others', as might have been expected of such a queen, but themselves performing the service of cookery, collecting wood from wherever they had to, and lighting the fire, even roasting the food of the poor over it and serving it to them, nourishing them daily, taking no account of the heat of the fire, the intense burden of the smoke, and the inescapable duration of this service. This is an exceptional description. It was conventional for Renaissance and Byzantine ladies of good families to feed the poor, but nowhere, I think, do we learn that they carried firewood and cooked in the smoke.  Though I do wonder where she had learned to cook.  All the speakers spoke of Cleofe's character: Pepagomenos spoke more than the others of what she actually did in her life.

He specified other groups whom she nurtured: “The orphaned children of her household mourn her, who acted as a mother to all, sharing out to each of them what was right, and neglecting nothing of their care; she made it possible for the women to live together with husbands and men with wives, to act openly and to practice another way of life, something that had in many periods over the years been neglected. but was rightly and properly fostered during the reign of our most holy queen, with all attention and concern, as one might say. Widows, too mourn their protector, and strangers the source of consolation from which they often benefited--- all, in short, for whom she offered a respite from loss.”

It is possible that Pepagomenos himself knew the pain of losing a wife. The cleaving of the one flesh that is a marriage was an easy topos for the Byzantines, but he went further: “The cleaving apart of a bodily union brings the unbearable pain of an amputation when a mother dies in childbirth. This, more than anything else makes the pain of the cut intense and presents the suffering as ever new in the eyes of the husband, and becomes an inexhaustible fuel for the fire, always displaying the newness of the loss, and never ceasing. But the severing of spiritual attachment has an intense bite and makes the pain even more unbearable, inasmuch as it is carried on in the the present life, while the former pain, although it is, so to speak, undying, continues to be associated with that material, though now lost, companionship.

He went on to raise topics that might have been considered better unmentioned and, as with Plethon and Bessarion, the frankness of subjects towards their ruler is striking. There were aspects of the earlier relationship between Cleofe and Theodoros that nearly led to his rejection of her, and we might wonder if Theodoros had been repenting to Pepagomenos of his stubborness. “When the time was right, even before your marriage, you lighted the brand of self-mastery with a little spark and disregarding paternal pride, canceling maternal agreements, the petitioning of your sisters, and the native innovations in religion of your homeland, you were pliant in everything to your husband and lord, putting this before all else, to follow his beliefs throughout your life and to practice them as fully as you were able. (Had she confided to Pepagomenos the real facts of her "conversion"?) All of this scorches him the more intensely and causes greater agony as he thinks of what consolation, aid and assistance against this greater and more final loss he has lost.”

Theodoros had apparently insisted that she change her style of dress as well as convert, things directly opposed to the agreements he had made for the marriage. “The wearing of clothes outside our habits of dress, beyond our temperament and sense of what, so to speak, is naturally required, was a matter of her unmaterial and spiritual nature, one unassociated with worldly passion or any kind of bodily necessity, because she aimed, in her unconcern with such matters, at what seemed to her always to be a more perfect order and self-governance. Not that there might ever be perfection more perfect than perfection, or that clothing will change character, but nonetheless, there was some length of time before the end, when, unless she was constrained by official ceremonies, she wore the fashion of those who live monastically, so that what was earlier unappreciated by outsiders, was now obvious to all.”

Toward the end of his monody, Pepagomenos embarked on a series of thirteen “O”s: "O dwelling-place of virtues . . . O all those dreams . . . O charms of that holiest body . . . O lady, death loved you . . . O terrible and lightless day.”  These Os formed a transition from the main body of his monody to his conclusion, addressed directly to her, speaking to her as the representative of all of them there listening: 

You, most divine, pious and holy queen, who have made this translation only under the instructions of God. . . you have flown from us through the approval of the almighty . . . Do not withdraw into this new world but, even before us, watch over our most holy despot of the Romans, your co-worker utterly cast down by so great strife, and by the onslaught of disasters, brought on him by your death. For you were the best co-worker -- συνεργόν --urging him toward the good, and consoling him for what was incurable, a good counselor, a guide for action, and a harbor for all that is good, and all of this is gone, flown away with you. (Here it is clear that Pepagomenos had read the poem Theodoros had written for her in which he had called her his ξυνεργὸς, his co-worker, though in the poem I have preferred “fellow poet.”)

This was not a good thing, and not how it should have been. Οὐ καλῶς μὲν οὐδ’ ὡς ἐχρῆν γέγονε δ’ οὖν.

It would be in your power, either with your prayers to the divine, as you stand immediately beside God, to alleviate the distress of our ruler, and through this the misfortune of the entire Roman people---you can do this, I know, with a mere nod of assent-- δύνασαι γὰρ τοϋτ’, εὖ οἶδα, εἰ κατανεύσειας μόνον -- or to leave us to mourn and lament throughout life, as long as the sun sends its rays over the earth.”

This is astounding: he has put Cleofe in the position of the Panagia, and has given her the nod – and so the authority – of Zeus.




Pierre MacKay made the translation. Greek text available at http://nauplion.net/CL-Pepagomenos (3).pdf












03 April 2015

The Goat


Basilissa of the Tsavelas herd, Karitena, 1987.

We tend to think of “the” scapegoat, but in the original Leviticus text, there are two goats involved in the purification ritual for the Day of Atonement:

He must cast lots over the two goats, one to be for the Lord and the other for Azazel. He must present the goat on which the lot for the Lord has fallen and deal with it as a purification-offering; but the goat on which the lot for Azazel has fallen is to be made to stand alive before the Lord for expiation to be made over it, before it is driven away into the wilderness to Azazel. Lev. 16: 8-10. 

Azazel” is variously translated as “precipice” or “scapegoat”. The LXX translates it as tragos apopomaion or “goat sent out.” Some Jewish teachings regard Azazel as a demon of the wilderness. I am not going to get into Jewish or Christian theology here, or the scapegoat in various cultures. I have no religious point to make. I want to look at the Biblical pattern that presents variations on the theme of the pairing of sacrifice/altar and wilderness.  

Genesis 4 gives the story of Cain and Abel, brothers, a story in which the original killer – Abel who sacrifices on an altar -- is slain, and Cain is to wander. But Cain is to be protected. Seven-fold vengeance will be exacted from anyone harming Cain.

Genesis 21 gives another story of brothers, Ishmael and Isaac. This story has more characters, is more complex, as you would expect from a story with women. Ishmael is sent out with his mother to wander in the wilderness. Isaac is to be sacrificed. Both are saved by angels.

Then there is Jesus who is killed – the Gospels vary in their interpretation of sacrifice, and Judas who goes out to die. Matthew 27 and Acts 1 give slightly different accounts of the death of Judas, but they both involve a field, and hanging. In all four Gospels and Acts, the Day of Atonement is involved in the narratives, which brings us back to Leviticus where both goats presumably die. All the narratives bring Jesus back to life, but the original ending of the oldest, Mark, ends in fear.

What does this pairing of altar/sacrifice and wilderness mean?









27 March 2015

The Dynatoi in the Morea, 1400-1460

This is an entry for people who like lists.  Over the last several years I have collected all the names I can find of the dynatoi in the Morea, nearly 200 of them.   I wrote about this earlier. As you will see, I haven't completed tidying up the sources, and I have been adding and subtracting names as I try to refine my idea of dynatos.  The late Palaiologean administration was intensely inbred and conservative as you will see from the names. I do not include the names of kapetanioi  or Greek kefali after 1460, nor do I include the few Greek names from Venetian territories who are called archons.  These are all from the despotates. Google's software did not maintain my tidy columns, but perhaps you will find the names interesting.  People who don't like long lists of Greek names should perhaps stop reading here.





Angelos dead physician Mazaris 91 1416
Argyropoulos Ioannis emissary to Milan for Thomas PP4.247

Asan Ioannis Doukas Angelos Palaiologos Rallis Laskaris Tornikes Philanthropenos Megaspilion
Asan Ioannis/Giovanni elected in Albanian revolt [1453]
Asan Mathaios Palaiologos kefali Corinth for Demetrios PP4.265

Avouris Andreas Patras Ger.VI.19
Avouris Nikolaos Patras PP4.231. Ger.VI.22 [1440]
Basilikos Ioannis oikios, Constantine PP4.13
Basilopoulos Antonio Patras Ger.VI.19
Bessarion Basileios monk Mistra [1430s]

Bokhales Demetrios land bro. Nik Sath
Bokhales Manuel kefali Gardiki, escaped to Corfù Sphr. XL [1460]
Bokhales Theodoros blinded by Thomas Musachia 331

Bua Petro archon list 1454 list
Chalkokaïdis Ioannis Patras. Notary, chancellor for Thomas Ger.VI.25 [1456]

Chalkokondyles George fa. of Laonikos Cyr V ]1447]
Chalkokondyles Laonikos gifted young Athenian/Mistra Cyr V [1447]

Chandakenos Ioannis diakonos Ag. D, Mistra Z 2.318
Chatzikis Manuel Laskaris official for Constantine Mistra fresco [1445]
Cheilas Nikeforos Prinkeps Mistra monody [1433] [1448] [1452]
Christophoros officer in Frankish town near Koroni Cyr C
Christophoros metropolitan Koroni [1439]
Demetrios hegemon Nauplion letter from Amiroutzes
Demetropoulos Konstantinos landholder near Aigion #5345
Dermokaïtes Demetrios Palaiologos strategos Patras PP4.231 Pal #141 [1440]
Diplovatatzos archon list 1454 list
Dokeianos Ioannis Mistra Z 2.316
Dositheos metropolitan Monemvasia Z 2.278 [ca.1431]
Doukas Nikephoros Palaiologos Malakes owned medical ms Mazaris n90.3, 90
Doxas kefali Kalavryta, flayed Sphr. XL [1460]
Eleavourkos archon, fought Manuel, esc. to Nauplion Mazaris
Erastopoulos Theodoros Patras for Thomas Ger.VI.21 [1438]

Eudaimonoioannes Ioannis mesazon in Morea for Constantine Sphr. XXVII #6221
Eudaimonoioannes daughter married Mathaios Asan #6221
Eudaimonoioannes Nikolaos emissary for Manuel/fa of Ioannis #6223 [d. 1423] S 1.117 Th 1757
Eudaimonoioannes protostrator SM 4 f.2, Thiriet #2835.

Eugenikos Ioannis Mistra PP

Frangopoulina landholder, Vresthena & Chelidovouni #91772
Frangopoulos archon list 1454 list
Frangopoulos Demetrios landholder, Vresthena #91772 [1456]
Frangopoulos Leon protostrator, kefali Androusa Sphr.XVI. [1428]
Frangopoulos Ioannis protostrator, generali mou, stratopedarchos Marinescu 136. PP4 .. Eun.
Frangopoulos Manuel Th 1744 {1429]

Gemistos Andronikos oikios Demetrios, son of G.
Gemistos Demetrios oikios Demetrios, son of G.
Gemistos George oikios John, Th; judge PP4.173

George stratopedarches for Constantine, Karyopolis Cyr V
Gides Thomas Palaiologos Patras Sphr. XLVII [1460]
Georgios metropolitan Veligosti Z 2.284

Graitzas Andreas Palaiologos [unclear -Mouchli Ch 10: 51 Pal #181
Graitzas Constantine Palaiologos Salmenikon Pal #180
Graitzas Theodoros Palaiologos Venice son of Andreas Pal #181 [d. 1511]

Gregoras Demetrios Mamonas tower at Prinikon from Const. Z 2.200
Iagros Markos Palaiologos stratopedarchos, amb. to V Sath. 1.90
Isakios sebastos tzaousios, Geraki Philippides-Braat #83
Isidoros Bishop Monemvasia, Cardinal of Russia [1412-30] Eug. letter

Ispanos Nikolaos Mani PP4.15 [1440]
Ispanos Petros Mani PP4.15 [1440]
Ispanos Theodoros Mani PP4.15 [1440]

Ioachim metropolitan Patras Z 2.291 [early 15th]

Kantakouzenos Constantine son of I; kefali Vostitza for Con Cyr C [1447] [Count Pal/Lat.] #81
Kantakouzenos George Palaiologos (Sachatai) grandson of Matthaios PP4 . . . [1431] K#67
Kantakouzenos Ioannis Palaiologos kefali Corinth for Constantine Cyr V [1447] Sphr. XXVII [1446] #80
Kantakouzenos Manuel (Ghin) pseudespotes son of George #83
Kantakouzenos Thomas Cyr I [1444]

Kavakes archon list 1454 list
Kavakes Andreas V. gov for Mani Sathas 4:37 [1478]
Kavakes Demetrios Rallis Mistra, copyist to Italy Z 2.214
Kavakes Manuel S 1.126 [1422]
Kavakes Michael grant of property from Thomas PP4.239

Kladas Krokondylos(2) surr. Ag. Georgios, received Elos Sphr. XL [1460]
Kladas Thomas landholder, Mani Sathas 5.33
[Krokondylos Karitena Philippides-Braat #90]
Krokondylos opposed Manuel II Mazaris

Lampoudios kefali Astros [1407]
Lampoudios Mathaios sebastos Morea, then Florence Z 2.320

Laskaris Alexios Eug. letter
Laskaris Alexios Philanthropenos kefali Patras/informed Const. emp. Sph. XVII [1429] XXVII [1446]XXIX [1448]
Laskaris Athanasios oikeios; Venice, Ferrara for Asan/Dem PP4.266 [1450?]
Laskaris Demetrios Asan kefali Corinth for Constantine, Mouchli Cyr #1 [1444 Cor.,1445 M]
Laskaris Ioannis to Venice? Th 1362 [1410]
Lazaros first secretary to Thomas Sphr XXXVIII [1458]
Leodorikes Ch9.9 [1460]

Leontaris Andronikos Iorga 3.265 [1451] SM4m f68r
Leontaris Bochalis rebelled, blinded Chalk. 8.36.
Leontaris Demetrios Laskaris battle of Echinades encomium [1428]
Leontaris Demetrios Laskaris grandson of/ letter from Bessarion Z 2.334
Leontaris Manuel Bryennios Kyriakides [1438]

Liminetis Nicholaos notary, Mistra Z 2.318
Loukanes Nikeforas Corinth, surr. to Mehmed Sphr XXXVIII [1458] d.1460
Malachies metropolitan Corinth Z 2.295 [1446/7]
Malakes Nikeforas Doukas Palaiologos (Chalivoureas) dr at Mistra Mazaris 65 Pal #190 [1415]

Mamonas Demetrios Gregoras Prinkipas from Constantine PP4.17
Mamonas Gregory Palaiologos Monemvasia, bro.-in-law Sphrantzes Sph. V Pal #163 [d. 1407]
Mamonas wife of GP sister of Sphrantzes Sph. V
Mamonas Paul fa. of Gregory megas doux? Loenertz short chron.

Markos metropolitan of Corinth, raised with Sph Sph. XXVI
Matthaios Bishop, Gortynia Philippides-Braat #87 1427/8
Mavropapas archon list 1454 list

Melikes Manuel Rallis bridge at Karitena Philippides-Braat #89 1439/40
Melikes Helene Asanina Palaiologina wife of MRM Philippides-Braat #89
Melikes Matthaios Asan Palaiologos Rallis arg.l for Mantinea Z 2.201 Sath. 5.35

Melissinos Nicholaos son of Nik Z 2.112
Melissinos Nikephoros protostrator, kefali Androusa Z 2.112

Matthaios metropolitan of Lakedaomon Z 2.286 [ThII]
Methodios metropolitan Lakedaimon F/F Z.2.286 [1439]
Michael sakellarios, musician, Mistra Isidore 22 n.d.
Moschos Demetrios scholar Mazaris n70.9
Moschopoulos Ioannis Th1115 [1405]
Moulgarios kefali Sikyon Ch7.27 [1446]
Neapolites Nicholaos notary, then judge, Patras Ger. 216, 226 [1430/40]
Neilos metropolitan Lakedaimon Tito 294 {1409]
Nikon metropolitan Vresthena Philippides-Braat #81

Padiates Andronikos Laskaris kefali, Androusa under Const. Sphr. XVII.3 1429
Padiates Alexios Laskaris kefali, Vostitza under Const. Sph. XVII.3 1429

Pagomenos archon list 1454 list

Palaiologina dau George Kant/wife Nic. Pal #87 [?1460]
Palaiologina Aikaterina wife of Thomas
Palaiologina Hypomone nun at Peplinitza PP4.239
Palaiologina Kleope Malatesta wife of Theodoros II [d.1433]
Palaiologina Theodora wife of Constantine [d.1429]
Palaiologina Theodora Asanina wife of Demetrios
Palaiologos Christoforos Asan Iorga 2.8 [1438]
Palaiologos Constantine despot
Palaiologos Demetrios despot
Palaiologos George fa-in-law of Bokhales. mesazon PLP 21447
Palaiologos Helena Asan m. Manuel Rallis Melikes
Palaiologos Ioannis kefali Mani for Constantine Cyr 5 Pal #164
Palaiologos Ioannis Kantakuzenos Patras for Thomas/Constantine Ger. VI.21 [1438]
Palaiologos Manuel/Nikolaos handed Monemvasia to V #88
Palaiologos Manuel buried at Brontocheion [d.1423]
Palaiologos Manuel phrourarch Monemvasia-Pope Pal #183 [1460]
Palaiologos Michael kefali of Vassilicata for Constantine Ger. VI.17 [1430]
Palaiologos Theodoros II despot
Palaiologos Thomas despot

Paraspondylos Isaak protostrator Sathas 5: 34 [1466]
Paraspondylos Zoe sister, wife of Demetrios Palaiologos

Pepagomenos Demetrios doctor monody [1433]
Pepagomenos George son of Demetrios Eugenikos letter [1436?]
Pepagomenos Nikolaos son of Demetrios Eugenikos letters [1436?]

Philanthropenos archon list 1454 list
Philanthropenos Alexios Laskaris kefali Vostitza, kefali Patras Z 2.332 [1437/8]
Philanthropenos George
Philanthropenos Manuel cousin Man.II, amb. to V Th. 1758 [1420]

Plousiadenos Ioannis metropolitan Methoni Z 2.280 [14792-50]
Proinokokokas defender of Kastritzi, flayed Sphr. XL: 5.
Prosphonematikos Joseph letter to Demetrios PP4.211 [1450?]
Pyropoula wife of Thomas
Pyropoulos Thomas oikios Constantine PP4.14

Rallis prisoner of Carlo Tocco Tocco3633
Rallis Monemvasia PLP #24099
Rallis Andronikos Palaiologos emigre Taranto moved to Methoni, Corfù [1469]
Rallis George Palaiologos emigre Taranto Sphr XXXIX Pal #195 [1458]
Rallis Ioannis built mill on V territory [1430]
Rallis Ioannis Oises carries message to Milan, pope for Th. PP4.242 [1460] Sphr. XLI
Rallis Manuel Oises archon list, kefali Androusa 1454 list
Rallis Michael Oises fought with Venetians, impaled Sphr XLIII [1466]
Rallis Paul emigre Taranto Pal #195
Rallis Thomas landowner; attacked Sphrantzes Sphr. XIX
Raoulaina wife of George/dau. George Kantakuzenos #86 [?1460]

Rhosatas Ioannis Patras PP4.231 [1445] Sph. XIX [1429]
Sarantaris Antonios hegoumen, Artokosta, Kynouria Philippides-Braat #85
Sebastopoulos Nikolaos protostrator for Thomas Sphr. XXXIX [1458]
Serapion monk at Mistra Eugenikos, PLP#25169.

[Sgouromalles] archon list 1454 list]
Sgouromalles Mathaios Palaiologos surr Karitaina, bro. wife of Loukanes Z 2.215 Sphr XL [1460] Pal #177

Solianos son of George stratopedarchos Karopolis, Mani Cyr V
Sophapoulos Nikolaos land, Mani Sath. 7.XIII


Sophianos archon list 1454 list
Sophianos Manuel emigre to England [same?] Harris 1467
Sophianos Manuel Asan carries message to Mantua for Thomas PP4.238

Spanopoulos Constantine landowner, Patras Ger. VI.16
Spanopoulos Ioannes Patras Ger.VI.19

Sphrantzes Alexios son of G & H, died 8/1448 Sphr. XXVIII
Sphrantzes George kefali Patras, Elos, Mistra Sphr. XVI.7 1428/9
Sphrantzes Helene Palaiologos Tzamplakon Sphr. XXIV [1438] Pal #126

Souliardos Michael Ag. Moni/Areia Z 2.304 [1489]
Stamatelos son of Patras, wounded by Sphrantzes Sph. XVII
Tarchianotes Ioannis Mistra -- w. Bessarion in Rome Harris [ca. 1458]
Trivolis Demetrios copyist Mistra Z 2.21

Tzamplakon Ioannes Palaiologos carries message from Florence to Thomas PP4.246 [1455]
Tzamplakon Kavallarios oikios of Manuel, senator Mazaris 10
Tzamplakon Kyonides with Thomas against Demetrios Sphr XXXIX:5.

Xanthopoulos Demetrios document from Demetrios Palaiologos #91772, Vranoussi 1980: 350
Xanthopoulos Ioannis document from Demetrios Palaiologos #91772, Vranoussi 1980: 350
Xanthopoulos Michael document from Demetrios Palaiologos #91772, Vranoussi 1980: 350